Leaked Emails Reveal Crooked Hillary’s Twisted Life of Deceit
Among the many telling kernels of truth dappling the spoor of the Hillary Clinton campaign’s internal e-mails released by WikiLeaks this past week, this one immediately leaped out:
“Politics is like sausage being made. It is unsavory, and it always has been that way, but we usually end up where we need to be. But if everybody’s watching . . . then people get a little nervous, to say the least. So, you need both a public and a private position.”
The sausage maker was Mrs. Clinton, giving one of her $225,000 speeches that she’s so long sought to conceal from the public, in this instance to the National Multi-Housing Council in April 2013. It came at a time when the just-retired secretary of state was coyly gearing up for a White House run, little tin cup at the ready, raking in nearly a million dollars that month alone.
‘Her public career has been based on showing one face to her gullible supporters and another, more ruthless one to allies and adversaries behind closed doors.’
When her ode to pragmatic two-facedness was called out by Donald Trump at last week’s debate,she lamely blamed it on Abe Lincoln, as portrayed in Steven Spielberg’s 2012 film. Never mind that a high-priced collection plate and the passage of the 13th Amendment have little in common. It’s all in a day’s work for a woman who claims to be for the Little Guy but spends most of her time frolicking with the political and financial elites.
Then again, Hillary has long believed that “the personal is political,” especially when political power can benefit her personally. Indeed, as the emails show, her public career has been based on showing one face to her gullible supporters and another, more ruthless one to allies and adversaries behind closed doors.
Let’s review the evidence. Thirteen years after she and Bill left the White House in 2001 “dead broke,” Hillary regaled the well-fed bankers and financial managers at Goldman Sachs and BlackRock, Inc., with tales of her humble lifestyle before she and Bubba learned how to spin the dross of “public service” into the finest gold access and protection money can buy: “I do think there is a growing sense of anxiety and even anger in the country over the feeling that the game is rigged. And I never had that feeling when I was growing up. I mean, were there really rich people, of course . . . but we had a solid middle class upbringing. And now, obviously, I’m kind of far removed because the life I’ve lived and the economic, you know, fortunes that my husband and I now enjoy, but I haven’t forgotten it.”
Forget that those “fortunes” came from the very rigging she was supposedly decrying; as secretary of state, Hillary had to deal with lots of unsavory characters — but sometimes their natures were made sweeter by their touching thoughtfulness toward the Clintons.
The bigotry shown by her campaign aides is a hint of what’s to come under a Hillary administration: continuing pressure on Catholics to adapt to contemporary “progressive” social-justice norms. Not that she’s likely to put it so bluntly, especially during the campaign. That might alienate potential Catholic voters.
Ah, but universal brotherhood — that’s the real Clinton goal, right? Privately, you might have to stroke a few brows from time to time. (See: “Needy Latinos.”) But far beyond the Rio Grande, there’s a potentially much wider electorate to appeal to when the time is right to admit it.
“My dream is a hemispheric common market, with open trade and open borders, some time in the future with energy that is as green and sustainable as we can get it, powering growth and opportunity for every person in the hemisphere.”
Ignore the feel-good boilerplate about green energy in the quote above, delivered in a $225,000 speech to the Brazilian Banco Itau in New York City in May 2013. E-mails from mid-2015 show her trying to defend her previous support for the Trans-Pacific Partnership but ultimately rejecting it publicly for populist political reasons — for now.
The distinction between the public and private Hillary is masked partly via her cozy relationships with reporters -— whether her aides are planting stories with sympathetic journalists, sneaking a peek at debate questions in advance or just keeping their ear to the ground: “I just wanted to make sure John Podesta had a heads up that his name will be in a story concerning the White House’s ethics policy, which could run on Monday,” wrote Washington Post White House bureau chief Juliet Eilperin in a March 21, 2015, e-mail to an Obama staffer.In short, don’t expect any mea culpas when the time is right for a 180-degree spin. For a Clinton is never wrong, merely evolving.
In the public eye since 1992, the Clintons have long memories, rewarding their friends and punishing their enemies, swatting away annoying flies like Bill de Blasio — “Should we care about this?” wondered Podesta privately in response to policy suggestions from the mayor — whose aid they don’t need. Like the Bourbon monarchy, they’ve learned nothing and forgotten nothing.
Unsuccessfully floating the idea in late 2014 of changing the date of Illinois’ 2016 primary, current campaign manager Robby Mook wrote to Podesta, “This is not an Obama ask, but a Hillary ask. And the Clintons won’t forget what their friends have done for them.” Nor, it goes without saying, what their enemies have done to them. And certainly not what they’re going to do to us, should they win next month. But that’s private — for now.
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